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美国亚太地区政策-希拉里


Remarks on Principles for Prosperity in the Asia Pacific
US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton
July 25, 2011
Shangri-La, Hong Kong


亚洲和太平洋地区繁荣的原则
——美国国务卿希拉里?克林顿在香港的演讲
2011年7月25日
香港香格里拉酒店


Thank you very much, Mr. Chipman, and thanks to all of you for being here today. I also wish to acknowledge and thank Mr. Ronnie Chan, chairman of the Asia Society, and Mr. Norman Chan, chief executive of the Hong Kong Monetary Authority.

十分感谢你,奇普曼先生,谢谢诸位今天光临。 我还感谢亚洲协会主席陈启宗先生和香港金融管理局总裁陈德霖先生。

And I am so pleased to be here and to have this opportunity to speak with you today, and it was made possible by the U.S., Hong Kong, and Macau chambers of commerce and the Asia Society. And I thank the chamber very much on a personal level for its support of the U.S. Pavilion at the Shanghai Expo. I have been called the mother of the pavilion, which is actually one of the nicer things I’ve been called during my very long public career.

今天,我十分高兴来到这里并有此机会向诸位发表讲话。这项活动是由美国、香港和澳门商会成员和亚洲协会安排的。我个人向美国商会支持上海世博会美国馆表示十分感谢。我被称为美国馆之母,在我漫长的公共生涯中,这的确是一个比较令人喜欢的称呼之一。

And I am delighted to be back in Hong Kong, a city I have admired ever since I first visited about 30 years ago when my husband, who was then governor of Arkansas, led the first ever trade mission to East Asia from our small state. Hong Kong stood out then, as it does today, as a symbol of the open exchange of goods and ideas. People were drawn to this place from every part of the world, even far away Arkansas, as evidenced by a good friend of ours from Arkansas, Nancy Hernreich Bowen, who is here with us today.

很高兴再次来到香港。约30年前,我丈夫任阿肯色州州长时曾率领这个小州的第一个贸易代表团前往东亚访问,当时我首次访问了香港。自那时以来,我一直十分钦佩这个城市。当时,香港作为开放商品和思想交流的象征,具有十分重要的地位。今天,香港依然如此。人们从世界各地被吸引到这里来,甚至从遥远的阿肯色州,我们来自阿肯色的一位好朋友南希?赫恩赖奇?鲍恩今天也在座就证明了这一点。

Now, since that time, Hong Kong has changed a great deal. Certainly, the skyline attests to that. And after all, few things have stood still in East Asia. But one thing about Hong Kong has not changed — the principles that find a home here. Under the “one country, two systems” policy, this remains a city that bridges East and West and looks outward in all directions, a place where ideas become businesses, where companies compete on the merits, and where economic opportunity is palpable and real for millions of people, a place that defines the fierce and productive economic competition of our time.

从那时以来,香港发生了很大的变化。毫无疑问,香港的城市风景线就是明证。毕竟在东亚极少有固定不变的事物。但香港有一点没有变——这里深入人心的一些原则。在“一国两制”政策下,香港仍然是连接东西方的桥梁,依然是一座向四面八方开放的城市。在这里,各种构想转化为各种工商活动;公司凭自身的实力相互竞争;数百万人民切身受惠于实际的经济机会;通过激烈的经济竞争提高效益的时代特征得到充分体现。

That is why businessmen and women continue to flock to Hong Kong, and an opportunity to meet some of the Americans who have called Hong Kong home for 20, 25, even 30 years. And it is why I have come here today to talk about how the nations of this region and the United States can intensify our economic partnership on behalf of ourselves, each other, and the world, and how together we can work toward a future of prosperity and opportunity for people everywhere.

正因为如此,男女工商业者继续涌入香港,一些美国人也因此有机会在香港安居乐业长达20年、25年乃至30年。正因为如此,我今天来这里谈谈本地区国家和美国可如何为自己、为彼此、也为全世界加强我们的经济伙伴合作关系,如何共同为一个繁荣的未来和全世界人民获得机会而努力。

But before I talk about where we need to go together, let’s consider how far we’ve come. The economic rise of the Asia Pacific region is an astonishing historic achievement that is reshaping our world today and into the future. In Hanoi, bicycles and water buffalo have given way to motorcycles and internet cafes. Small Chinese fishing villages like Shenzhen have become megacities with their own stock exchanges. And while much work remains to improve labor practices and expand access to the formal economies, the numbers tell a powerful story.

但在我讨论我们需要如何共同努力之前,让我们首先回顾一下我们已经取得的进展。亚太地区的经济崛起是惊人的历史性成就,对当今世界和未来都产生了深刻的影响。在河内,自行车和水牛已被摩托车和网吧取代。深圳等中国小渔村已变成拥有证券交易所的大城市。尽管在改善劳工待遇和扩大进入正规经济的途径等方面还有大量工作要做,但有关的数字令人震撼。

Thirty years ago when I first came to Hong Kong, 80 percent of the people of this region lived on less than $1.25 a day. By 2005, that number had dropped to 20 percent. In the Lower Mekong Region countries, per capita GAP has more than tripled in the last 20 years. And in Thailand alone, the poverty rate fell from 42 percent in 1988 to 8 percent today. Never in history have so many people climbed so far, so fast.

30年前我首次前来香港之时,本地区80%的人口依靠每天不到1.25美元的收入生活。到2005年,这个比例已下降到20%。在湄公河下游地区的国家,人均国内生产总值在过去20年中提高了两倍多。仅在泰国,贫困率就从1988年的42%下降到今天的8%。有史以来,从未有如此众多的人口如此快速地获得这么显著的改善。

And though this progress is largely due to the hard work and ingenuity of the people of Asia themselves, we in the United States are proud of the role we have played in promoting prosperity. Of course, we helped Japan and South Korea rebuild, patrolled Asia’s sea lanes to preserve freedom of navigation, promoted global shipping, and supported China’s membership in the WTO. Along with our treaty allies — Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and Philippines, and other key partners like New Zealand and Singapore — we have underwritten regional security for decades, and that in turn has helped create the conditions for growth.

虽然这一进步主要归功于亚洲人民自己的辛勤劳动和聪明才智,美国也为我们在促进繁荣方面发挥的作用感到自豪。理所当然,我们帮助日本和韩国重建、在亚洲的海上航道巡逻以维护航行自由、促进了全球商品运输、并支持中国加入世界贸易组织。与我们的条约盟友——日本、韩国、澳大利亚、泰国和菲律宾、还有新西兰和新加坡等其他主要合作伙伴一道,我们在几十年里保证了地区安全,并因此帮助创造了增长的条件。

And the U.S. continues to contribute to Asia’s growth as a major trade and investment partner, a source of innovation that benefits Asia’s companies, a host to 350,000 Asian students every year, a champion of open markets, an advocate for universal human rights, and a guarantor of stability and security across the Asia Pacific. The Obama Administration has made a comprehensive commitment to reinvigorate our engagement as a Pacific power — shoring up alliances and friendships, reaching out to emerging partners, and strengthening multilateral institutions.

作为一个主要的贸易和投资伙伴、一个惠及亚洲企业的创新来源、一个每年接纳35万亚洲留学生的东道国、一个开放市场的带头人、一个普世人权的倡导者、一个为亚太地区安全和稳定的捍卫者,美国继续为亚洲增长做贡献。奥巴马政府作出了全面的承诺,要为我们作为太平洋地区的大国加强参与而努力——巩固联盟和友谊、主动与新兴合作伙伴联系,加强多边机构。

These efforts reflect our optimism and enthusiasm for what is happening in Asia today. Of course, countries in this region are grappling with challenges. We all are. But we are bullish on Asia’s future, and while the United States is facing its own difficulties, make no mistake: We are bullish on America’s future too.

这些努力都反映了我们对今天的亚洲状况持乐观看法并为之感到振奋。当然,这一地区的国家也面临着种种挑战。我们都一样。但我们看好亚洲的未来,虽然美国正面临着自身的困难,但有一点是肯定的:我们也看好美国的未来。

America remains an opportunity society — a place to excel, a country of possibility and mobility where a brilliant idea hatched in a college dorm room or a product invented in a garage can find a global market and grow into a multibillion dollar company. Our workers are the world’s most productive. Our inventors hold the most patents. And today, we are reinvesting in our fundamentals — infrastructure, clean energy, health, and education. And we are doing the critical work of shoring up our financial system so that it protects investors and curbs excesses.

美国仍然是一个充满机会的社会——一个发挥特长的地方、一个事事都有可能、人人都有希望成功的国度,在这里,一个在大学宿舍里产生的创意或在车库里发明的一个产品能够找到一个全球市场,成长为价值数十亿美元的公司。我们的工人具有世界上最高的生产力。我们的发明家持有最多的专利。今天,我们正在对我们的基本面进行再投资——基础设施、清洁能源、保健和教育。我们正在落实重要措施以巩固我们的金融体系,保护投资者,减少过度冒险行为。

Now, as I have traveled around the region, a lot of people have asked me about how the United States is going to resolve our debt ceiling challenge. Well, let me assure you we understand the stakes. We know how important this is for us and how important it is for you. The political wrangling in Washington is intense right now. But these kinds of debates have been a constant in our political life throughout the history of our republic. And sometimes, they are messy. I well remember the government shutdown of the 1990s; I had a front row seat for that one. But this is how an open and democratic society ultimately comes together to reach the right solutions. So I am confident that Congress will do the right thing and secure a deal on the debt ceiling, and work with President Obama to take the steps necessary to improve our long-term fiscal outlook. Through more than a century of growth, the American economy has repeatedly shown its strength, its resilience, and its unrivaled capacity to adapt and reinvent itself. And it will keep doing so.

当我在本地区访问时,很多人都问我美国将怎样应对我们在债务上限方面的挑战。让我向你们保证,我们理解其中的利害。我们知道这件事对我们和你们都极为重要。目前华盛顿的政治角力很激烈。但这种争论在贯穿我们共和国历史的政治生活中一直存在。有时它会给人以乱糟糟的印象。我清楚地记得上世纪90年代政府被迫关闭;我有机会亲眼目睹了这一幕。但是,这正是一个开放和民主的社会最终达成共识制定正确的解决方案的过程。因此,我相信国会会作出正确的选择,就债务上限达成协议,并与奥巴马总统合作,采取必要步骤,改善我们长期的财政前景。在一个多世纪的增长中,美国经济一再表现出其实力、韧性以及无与伦比的适应和自我更新能力。这种情况会继续下去。

As we pursue recovery and growth, we are making economics a priority of our foreign policy. Because increasingly, economic progress depends on strong diplomatic ties and diplomatic progress depends on strong economic ties. And so the United States is working to harness all aspects of our relationships with other countries to support our mutual growth. This is an issue I recently addressed at the U.S. Global Leadership Coalition, and will again in a larger speech about America’s strategic and economic choices this fall. But economic issues have been front and center in my travels during the past two weeks — to Greece, which is working to put itself back on the path to economic stability, and to four rising centers of economic growth: Turkey, India, Indonesia, and then China.

当我们寻求复苏和增长时,我们把经济因素作为我们外交政策的优先事务,因为经济的发展越来越多地依赖密切的外交关系,而外交发展取决于密切的经济关系。因此,美国正在努力利用我们与其他国家关系的所有方面支持我们的共同增长。我最近在美国全球领导力联盟探讨过这个问题,还将在今年秋天一次有关美国的战略和经济选择的内容更广泛的讲话中再次加以阐述。但是,经济问题在我过去两周的访问中始终是首要与核心问题——希腊正在努力走上经济稳定之路,行程中另外四个国家都是正在兴起的经济增长中心,即土耳其、印度、印度尼西亚和中国。

Now, naturally, much of our economic diplomacy is focused on East Asia and the Pacific. The American Chamber in Hong Kong represents 1,200 companies, and thousands more looking to this region for new customers and markets. Last year, American exports to Hong Kong totaled $26 billion — that's more than the Indonesian export amount of $20 billion — and our exports to the Pacific Rim were $320 billion, supporting 850,000 American jobs.

我们的经济外交自然而然地侧重于东亚和太平洋地区。在香港的美国商会代表着1,200多家公司,数以千计的其他公司也正在这个地区寻找新的客户和市场。去年,美国对香港的出口总额为260亿美元——这比印尼200亿美元的出口额还多——我们对环太平洋地区的出口为3,200亿美元,支持着85万个美国的就业岗位。

Now, numbers like these reflect how closely America’s future is linked to the future of this region. And the reverse is true as well. Because the future of the Asia-Pacific is linked to America’s. We are a resident power in Asia—not only a diplomatic or military power, but a resident economic power. And we are here to stay.

此类数字反映了美国的未来与这个地区的未来密切相连。反之亦然,因为亚太地区的未来也与美国的未来息息相关。我们是驻留亚洲的大国——不仅是一个外交或军事大国,而且是一个驻留亚洲的经济大国。我们在此落地生根。

Now, while the U.S. economy and those in the Asia-Pacific are well positioned to grow together, our success — neither of ours — is preordained. Prosperity is not a birthright, it’s an achievement. And whether we achieve it will be determined by how we answer a defining question of our time: How do we turn a generation of growth in this region into a century of shared prosperity?

尽管美国经济及亚太地区各国经济具备共同增长的有利条件,但我们的成功——我们任何人的成功——都不是先天注定的。繁荣并非与生俱来,而是一种成就。我们是否能取得这一成就将取决于我们如何回答我们这个时代的一个决定性问题:我们怎样把这个地区一代人期间的增长转化成一个世纪的共同繁荣?

The United States approaches this question with great humility, and with hard-won lessons learned from overcoming difficult economic challenges throughout our history.

美国以极其谦谨的态度对待这个问题,并以在克服我国历史进程中种种严峻的经济挑战时所积累的得之不易的经验教训为鉴。

We must start with the most urgent task before us: realigning our economies in the wake of the global financial crisis. This means pursuing a more balanced strategy for global economic growth — the kind that President Obama and President Hu Jintao have embraced, and the G20 is promoting.

我们必须着手于摆在我们面前的最紧迫的任务:在全球金融危机过后重新调整我们的经济。这意味着为实现全球经济增长推行一种更平衡的战略——一种奥巴马总统和胡锦涛主席都已采纳的战略,也是20国集团所倡导的战略。

This demands rigorous reform by all nations, including the United States and the countries of Asia. We in the United States are in the middle of a necessary transition: we must save more and spend less. And we must not only save more and spend less, we must borrow less, as well. Our partners must meet this change with changes of their own. There is no way around it: Long-term growth requires stronger and broader-based domestic demand in today’s high-saving Asian economies. This will raise living standards across the region, create jobs in America, improve business for many in this room, and help stabilize the global economy.

这要求包括美国和亚洲各国在内的所有国家都大力实行改革。我们美国人正处在一个必要的转型过程中:我们必须增加储蓄,减少开支。我们不仅必须多存钱、少花钱,还必须少借钱。我们的合作伙伴也必须自行调整,以应对上述这种变化。没有任何迂回路径:长期增长必须要靠今日高储蓄的亚洲经济体增加并扩大国内需求。这将提高整个地区的生活水平,在美国创造就业机会,让在座许多人的生意更红火,并帮助稳定全球经济。

For years, my image of the global economy was an inverted pyramid resting on the shoulders of American women, since we are the primary consumers in the world. And therefore, it seems to me that that is no longer a sustainable model. And so we have to change how we do business internally and externally. And, above all, we must reach agreement on the rules and principles that will anchor our economic relationships in the coming decades.

多年来,全球经济在我看来好似一座坐落在美国妇女双肩上的倒金字塔,因为我们是全世界的主要消费者。因此,在我看来这不再是一个可持续的模式。所以我们必须改变我们在国内和国外从事商业经营的方式。而最重要的是,我们必须就能在今后几十年稳固我们的经济关系的规则和原则达成一致。

Last March in APEC meetings in Washington, I laid out four attributes that I believe characterize healthy economic competition. And these are very simple concepts, easy to say, hard to do: open, free, transparent, and fair. Hong Kong is helping to give shape to these principles and is showing the world their value.

今年3月在华盛顿举行的亚太经合组织会议上,我阐述了我认为健康的经济竞争应当具备的四个特征。这些概念简单明了,但知易行难——开放、自由、透明、公平。香港正在帮助使上述原则得到体现,正在向全世界展示它们的价值。

First, we must seek an open system where any person anywhere can participate in markets everywhere.

首先,我们必须努力建立一个开放的体系,让任何地区的任何人都能参与任何一处市场。

Second, we must seek a free system, one in which ideas, information, products and capital can flow unimpeded by unnecessary or unjust barriers. That is why President Obama has mobilized a government-wide effort to attract foreign investment to America. Now, in the past, foreign investment has been seen as controversial. But today we know it helps create growth and jobs, and it can attract American dollars held overseas back into the U.S. economy. As we welcome investors to our country, we hope that all investors, including those from America, will receive an enthusiastic welcome overseas.

其次,我们必须努力建立一个自由的体系,让创意、信息、产品和资本能够自由流通,不被不必要或不公平的壁垒所阻碍。正是出于这个原因,奥巴马总统已调动政府各部门努力将外国投资吸引到美国。而在过去,外国投资曾被视为是有争议的。但现在,我们知道外国投资有助于创造增长和就业机会,还能将海外持有的美元吸引回美国经济中。在我们欢迎投资者到我国投资的同时,我们也希望包括美国投资者在内的所有投资者都能在海外受到热情欢迎。

Third, we must seek a transparent economic system. Rules and regulations need to be developed out in the open through consultation with stakeholders. They must be known to all and applied equally to all. Hong Kong is a testament to the power of transparency, good governance, the rule of law, freedom of the press, an independent judiciary, and a vibrant civil society, all of which help to explain why so many people choose to do business here.

第三,我们必须努力建立一个透明的经济体系。规则和规章应当经与利益相关者共同磋商公开制定。它们必须为所有各方所了解,并平等适用于所有各方。香港展示了透明、良治、法治、新闻自由、司法独立和一个欣欣向荣的公民社会的力量,所有这些都有助于说明为什么这么多人选择在香港从事商业经营。

Openness, freedom and transparency contribute to the fourth principle we must ensure: fairness. Fairness sustains faith in the system. That faith is difficult to sustain when companies are forced to trade away their intellectual property just to enter or expand in a foreign market, or when vital supply chains are blocked. These kinds of actions undermine fair competition, which turns many off from competing at all.

开放、自由和透明都为我们必须保障的第四项原则创造了条件,这就是公平。公平能够保持人们对这个体系的信任。当公司企业为了开辟或扩大一个外国市场而不得不以其知识产权作交换时,或当关键的供应链被切断时,这种信任便难以维持。这类行为有损于公平竞争,挫伤了很多人的竞争意愿。

A growing number of countries in Asia are proving the value of these principles. And the United States deeply believes in them, because their value has been proven time and again, not only in times of prosperity but also in times of hardship, as well. At the end of the Vietnam War, there was a thriving commentary around the world on the idea of America’s economic decline. That seems to be a theme that kind of repeats itself every couple of decades. But all the while, then and now, these principles were nurturing a system of entrepreneurship and innovation that allowed two college students to found a small tech startup called Microsoft. And today, they are helping power companies like Solyndra, a green-energy startup in California that began producing solar panels in 2007 and now installs them in more than 20 countries worldwide.

越来越多的亚洲国家正在证明上述原则的价值。美国坚信上述原则,因为其价值一次又一次地得到验证,不仅是在繁荣时期,而且是在困难时刻。在越战结束时,全世界有关美国经济衰退的言论流行一时。这种言论似乎每隔20年便会再次冒头。然而,从过去到现在,上述原则扶持了一个鼓励创业和创新的体系,这个体系促使两名大学生创立了一家名叫微软的小型科技公司。今天,上述原则正在扶植着像加州绿色能源初创公司Solyndra这样的能源公司,这家公司自2007年起开始生产太阳能板,现在他们的太阳能板被用于全世界20多个国家。

Every time in history when the United States has experienced a downturn, we’ve overcome it through reinvention and innovation. Now, these capacities are not unique or innate to the people of the United States. They are activated by our economic model, which we work hard to keep open, free, transparent, and fair, a model that has its imperfections but remains the most powerful source of prosperity known to humankind.

历史上,美国经济每一次陷入衰退,都能通过革新与创新脱离困境。然而,这些能力并不为美国人民所特有或与生俱来;它们是由我们的经济模式所激发的,我们奋力维持这样一个开放、自由、透明、公平的模式。这个模式有它的不完善之处,但仍然是人类所知的最强大的繁荣之源。

Of course, no nation is perfect when it comes to safeguarding these principles, including my own. We all recognize the temptation to bend them. And we all recognize the inevitability of human nature's capacity to look for ways around them. Some nations are making short-term gains doing that. Some developing countries—admirably focused on fighting poverty—might be slow to implement at home the same rules they benefit from abroad. And a number of nations, wealthy in the aggregate but often poorer per capita, might even think the rules don’t apply to them.

当然,在维护这些原则的时候,没有一个国家是完美的,包括我自己的国家。我们都知道到给原则打折扣的诱惑力,我们都认识到人类本性中那种对原则绕道而行的能力会不可避免地出现。有些国家正在那样做而获得短期的利益;有些发展中国家——它们正令人钦佩地集中精力与贫穷作斗争——当在国内实施那些它们在国际贸易中获益的相同的规则时或许行动较为迟缓;还有一些整体富裕但按人均所得较贫困的国家,甚至可能认为那些规则并不适用于它们。

In fact, all who benefit from open, free, transparent, and fair competition have a vital interest and a responsibility to follow the rules. Enough of the world’s commerce takes place with developing nations, that leaving them out of the rules-based system would render the system unworkable. And that, ultimately, that would impoverish everyone.

事实上,对于所有那些在开放、自由、透明和公平的竞争中获益的国家,那些规则不仅与它们的切身利益相关,而且它们有责任遵守。与发展中国家进行的国际商务数额是如此庞大,任凭这部分商务被置身于有规则可循的系统之外,将使这个系统无法产生作用,而这最终将使所有人受损。

The businessmen and women of Asia seek the benefits that these principles offer. Malaysian manufacturers want access to markets overseas. Indian firms want fair treatment when they invest abroad. Chinese artists want to protect their creations from piracy. Every society seeking to develop a strong research and technology sector wants intellectual property protections because, without them, innovation comes with a much higher risk and fewer rewards. People everywhere want to have the chance to spend their earnings on products from other places, from refrigerators to iPods.

亚洲的男女企业家都在追求这些原则所带来的利益。马来西亚制造商需要进入国际市场;印度公司在国外投资时希望获得公平待遇;中国艺术家希望他们的作品不被盗版。每一个力图发展强劲有力的科研技术行业的社会均希望保护知识产权,因为没有这些保护将使创新的风险加大、回报减少。全世界人民都希望有机会把自己的收入用于获得从冰箱到iPod的其他地方的产品。

Now, these four principles are easily uttered and embraced, but they do not implement themselves. So our challenge is always to translate them into practice. And my country is hard at work doing that, and we encourage other governments to join us in this effort.

这四项原则容易表述和获得赞同,但它们不会自动落实。因此,我们的挑战一贯是,要把它们转化为实际行动。我的国家正在努力这样做,我们也鼓励其他国家政府参与我们这一努力。

The United States is taking steps to promote these principles around the world through multilateral and regional institutions, new trade agreements, and outreach to new partners, to enlist us all in the quest for inclusive, sustainable growth. These steps are connected to and build upon the work we are doing to revitalize our own economy.

美国正采取步骤,通过多边与地区性机构、新的贸易协定和主动寻求新伙伴,在全世界促进这些原则,让世界各国共同追求包容的、可持续的发展。这些步骤与我们正在进行的重振我们本国经济的努力相关,并且也在此基础上发展。

First, we are working through regional and international institutions to achieve balanced, inclusive, and sustainable growth. That starts with our commitment to APEC, the premier organization for pursuing economic integration and growth in the Asia-Pacific region. And President Obama is pleased to be the chair and host of APEC this year in Hawaii.

首先,我们正在通过地区与国际机构努力争取平衡、包容与可持续的发展。这种努力始于我们对于亚太经合组织的一贯支持,它是在亚太地区追求经济一体化及经济增长的主要机构。奥巴马总统很高兴今年在夏威夷主办并主持亚太经合组织会议。

We want APEC to address next-generation trade and competition challenges, like strengthening global supply chains; empowering smaller companies to connect to global markets; promoting market-driven, non-discriminatory innovation policy. We are pursuing a low-carbon agenda by working to reduce barriers to trade in clean-energy technologies, and we hope to reach agreement on implementing transparency principles to promote economic growth and the rule of law on a 21st century field of play.

我们希望亚太经合组织应对贸易与竞争的下一代挑战,例如:加强全球供应链、帮助小型企业与全球市场接轨、促进由市场驱动的、非歧视性的创新政策等。我们正通过努力降低清洁能源技术的贸易壁垒推行一个低碳议程,我们还希望就实施透明原则达成协议,以促进经济增长和21世纪竞争场上的法治。

Because burdensome regulations and incompatible sets of rules in different countries can hold back trade and growth every bit as much as tariffs, we are also working at APEC to find common ground on transparent, effective regulation, with broader public consultation and better coordination. The quality of the rules we put in place is just as important as our willingness to enforce them.

鉴于不同国家的繁文缛节和互不相容的规则如同关税一样阻碍贸易与增长,我们也在与亚太经合组织共同努力,通过更广泛的公共磋商和更好的协作,就透明、有效的规则找到共同基础。我们采用的规则的质量与我们实施这些规则的意愿同样重要。

And I have to mention that discrimination against women is another barrier to fair competition and economic growth. A 2007 United Nations study found that the Asia-Pacific loses at least $58 billion of economic output every year because of restrictions on women’s access to employment and gender gaps in education. So, as host of APEC, we are organizing a high-level Summit on Women and the Economy in San Francisco this September.

我必须指出的是,歧视妇女是公平竞争和经济增长的另一障碍。据2007年联合国发布的一项研究报告,由于限制妇女的就业机会和教育领域的性别差异,亚太地区每年的经济产出损失至少580亿美元。因此,作为亚太经合组织论坛的主办国,我们将于今年9月在旧金山召开一次高级别的妇女与经济峰会。

We are also working though the World Trade Organization to address continuing challenges to fair competition. Take government procurement. The purchases that governments make represent an important part of the global economy, and citizens everywhere deserve to know that their governments are getting the best product at the best prices. Consistent with the WTO Government Procurement Agreement that we signed, America lets companies from other nations who have signed that same agreement compete for appropriate American Government contracts. We would naturally expect countries that want access to our government contracts to offer our companies genuine access to theirs in return.

我们还正通过世界贸易组织来努力解决公平竞争不断面临的问题。例如政府采购问题。政府所进行的采购代表着全球经济的重要部分,任何地区的公民均有权知道政府是在以最好的价格购买最佳产品。根据我们签署的世界贸易组织《政府采购协议》,美国允许其他签署了同样协议的国家的公司竞争适宜的美国政府合同。我们当然希望那些想获得我国政府合同机会的国家也真诚地为我们的公司提供竞争对方政府合同的机会。

Across the full spectrum of international institutions—the G8 and G20, the IMF, OECD, ILO, WTO, and others—we are working to level playing fields and encourage robust and fair economic activity. Just as the WTO eliminated harmful tariffs in the 1990s, today we need institutions capable of providing solutions to new challenges, from some activities of state-owned enterprises to the kinds of barriers emerging behind borders.

我们还通过各种国际机构组织——如8国集团、20国集团、国际货币基金组织、经合组织、国际劳工组织、世贸组织等——来努力实现平等的竞争环境,鼓励健全而公平的经济活动。正如上世纪90年代世贸组织废除了有害的关税,今天我们需要有一些机构来提供办法,解决从国有企业的某些活动到境内出现壁垒等新问题。

We also support innovative partnerships that develop norms and rules to address these new concerns. We should build on the model of the Santiago Principles on sovereign wealth funds, which were negotiated jointly by host governments, recipient governments, the World Bank, IMF, OECD, and the sovereign funds themselves. This code of conduct governing sovereign investment practices has reassured stakeholders — investor nations, recipient nations, and the private sector. And it may prove a useful model for other shared challenges, like ensuring that state-owned companies and enterprises compete on the same terms as private companies.

我们支持有创意的合作关系,针对这些新问题制定标准和规则。我们应借鉴有关主权财富基金的《圣地亚哥原则》模式,这些原则是由东道国政府、接受国政府、世界银行、国际货币基金组织、经合组织以及主权基金等共同谈判而成。管理主权投资活动的行为准则消除了利益相关方——如投资国、接受国、以及私营公司——的疑虑。这对于解决其他共同的问题或许是一个有用的模式,如确保国有公司和企业与民间公司按照同样的规则进行竞争。

As a second step, we are pursuing new cutting-edge trade deals that raise the standards for fair competition even as they open new markets. For instance, the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement, or KORUS, will eliminate tariffs on 95 percent of U.S. consumer and industrial exports within five years. Its tariff reductions alone could increase exports of American goods by more than $10 billion and help South Korea’s economy grow by 6 percent. So, whether you are an American manufacturer of machinery or a Korean chemicals exporter, this deal lowers the barriers to reaching new customers.

第二个步骤是,我们将谋求一种新型的贸易协定,使它们在开拓新市场同时,提升公平竞争的标准。例如,《韩国与美国自由贸易协定》,即KORUS,将在5年时间内取消美国95%的消费品和工业出口产品关税。仅消除关税就能为美国出口产品带来100亿美元以上的增长,并促使韩国经济增长6%。所以,无论是美国机械制造商,还是韩国化学品出口商,这一协定均为获得新客户减少了障碍。

But this trade deal isn’t simply about who pays what tariff at our borders. It is a deeper commitment to creating conditions that let both our nations prosper as our companies compete fairly. KORUS includes significant improvements on intellectual property, fair labor practices, environmental protection and regulatory due process.

然而,这项贸易协定并非只涉及谁在我们的边界支付多少关税的问题。它是更深一层的承诺,即创造条件,让两国在彼此公司的公平竞争中走向繁荣。《韩国与美国自由贸易协定》涵盖了在知识产权、公正对待劳工、环保及正当监管程序上的明显改进。

And let me add that the benefits of KORUS extend beyond the economic bottom line. Because this agreement represents a powerful strategic bet. It signals that America and South Korea are partners for the long term—economically, diplomatically, people to people. So, for all these reasons, President Obama is pursuing congressional approval of KORUS, together with necessary Trade Adjustment Assistance, as soon as possible. He is also pursuing passage of the Colombia and Panamanian Free Trade Agreements as well.

让我补充一点——该协定的好处不限于经济底线。它意味着有力的战略性抉择。它标志着,美国与韩国在经济、外交和民间交流领域是长期合作伙伴。因此,奥巴马总统正在谋求国会尽快批准《韩国与美国自由贸易协定》,以及必要的“贸易调整援助”计划。他也在谋求批准与哥伦比亚和与巴拿马的自由贸易协定。

Now, we have learned that, in our system, getting trade deals right is challenging, painstaking work. But it's essential. We consider KORUS a model agreement. Asian nations have signed over 100 bilateral trade deals in less than a decade, but many of those agreements fall short on key protections for businesses, workers, and consumers. There are a lot of bells and whistles, but many of the hard questions are glossed over or avoided.

我们认识到,在我们的体制内,达成适中的贸易协定要通过艰难和痛苦的努力。但它十分重要。我们认为《韩国与美国自由贸易协定》是一个典范协定。在过去不到10年时间内,亚洲国家签署了100多项双边贸易协议,但许多这类协议未能为商家、工人和消费者提供关键性的保护。它们在形式上应有尽有,但忽视或规避了许多艰难的问题。

Beyond that, there is now a danger of creating a hodgepodge of inconsistent and partial bilateral agreements which may lower tariffs, but which also create new inefficiencies and dizzying complexities. A small electronics shop, for example, in the Philippines might import alarm clocks from China under one free trade agreement, calculators from Malaysia under another, and so on—each with its own obscure rules and mountains of paperwork—until it no longer even makes sense to take advantage of the trade agreements at all. Instead, we should aim for true regional integration.

除此之外,现在还存在着另一种危险性,即五花八门、缺乏一致性和完整性的双边协议。这些协议可能降低一些关税,同时却会导致新的低效率与令人眼花缭乱的复杂规定。例如,在菲律宾的一家小型电子产品商店有可能根据一项自由贸易协议从中国进口闹钟,但根据另一项协议从马来西亚进口计算器,以此类推——每一项协议都有其晦涩难懂的规则并需要准备堆积如山的文件——直至这些贸易协议变得毫无意义,其所能提供的益处不复存在。我们的努力方向应当与之相反,即真正实现地区一体化。

That is the spirit behind the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the so-called TPP, which we hope to outline by the time of APEC in November, because this agreement will bring together economies from across the Pacific—developed and developing alike—into a single trading community.

这就是跨太平洋伙伴关系——简称“TPP”——倡导的精神。我们希望在今年11月亚太经合组织开会时概述它的内容,因为这项协议将汇集整个太平洋地区的各经济体——无论是发达国家还是发展中国家——使之成为一个统一的贸易体。

Our goal for TPP is to create not just more growth, but better growth. We believe the TPP needs to include strong protections for workers, the environment, intellectual property, and innovation. It should also promote the free flow of information technology and the spread of green technology, as well as the coherence of our regulatory system and the efficiency of supply chains.

我们建立跨太平洋伙伴关系的目标不只是要取得更大的增长,还要取得更好的增长。我们认为,跨太平洋伙伴关系需要规定严格的保护工人、环境、知识产权和创新的条款。它还应该促进信息技术的自由流动和绿色技术的推广普及,并提高我们的监管体系的一致性与供应链的效率。

We are working to ensure that the TPP is the first trade pact designed specifically to reduce barriers for small and medium-sized enterprises. After all, these are the companies that create most of the world’s jobs, but they often face significant challenges to engaging in international trade. So, the TPP aims to ensure fair competition, including competitive neutrality among the state-owned and private enterprises.

我们正在努力确保跨太平洋伙伴关系成为专门为中小型企业减少壁垒的第一个贸易协议。说到底,是这些中小型企业创造了世界上大部分就业机会,但它们在国际贸易领域往往面临重大挑战。因此,跨太平洋伙伴关系旨在确保公平竞争,包括在国有企业和民营企业之间的竞争中保持中立。

The idea is to create a new high standard for multilateral free trade, and to use the promise of access to new markets to encourage nations to raise their standards and join. We are taking concrete steps to promote regional integration and put ourselves on a path over time to bring about a genuine Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific.

我们的想法是为多边自由贸易制定一个新的高标准,并以准入新市场的承诺来鼓励各国提高自己的标准和参与其中。我们正在采取具体步骤促进整个地区一体化,使自己逐步走上建立真正的亚太自由贸易区的道路。

Finally, we need to pursue strategies for achieving not just growth, but sustainable, inclusive growth. Now, it is a maxim of mine that foreign policy must deliver results for people. Because ultimately, our progress will not be measured by profit margins or GDP, but by the quality of people’s lives — whether men and women can work in dignity, earn a decent wage, raise healthy families, educate their children, and take hold of the opportunities to improve their own and the next generation's futures.

最后,我们制定的战略不仅要实现增长,而且要实现可持续的包容性增长。我遵循的一个座右铭是:我们的外交政策必须给人民带来实惠,因为我们取得的进步最终不是用利润率或国内生产总值来衡量,而是要用人民的生活质量来评估——要看全体公民能否在有尊严的情况下工作和赚取体面的工资收入,以及是否有能力赡养家庭和保持家人健康、教育子女,并且享有各种改善自身状况和下一代未来的机会。

The United States supports a number of endeavors to promote inclusive growth in the region. Our Millennium Challenge Corporation, for example, makes large-scale investments in partner countries to reduce poverty through growth. We have a compact with the Philippines to invest in roads, community development projects, and more effective tax collection. We are negotiating a compact with Indonesia to promote low carbon development, and we began a threshold partnership with Timor-Leste earlier this year to fight corruption and improve children's health.

美国支持为促进这个地区取得包容性增长而作出的多项努力。例如,我们的“世纪挑战账户集团”在伙伴国家进行大规模投资以便通过增长来减少贫困。我们与菲律宾签署了一项投资于道路、社区发展项目和征税效率的协议。我们正在与印度尼西亚谈判一项旨在促进低碳发展的协议。今年早些时候我们开始与东帝汶建立达标伙伴关系,以便打击腐败,改善儿童的健康。

Across the region, we are partnering with governments to encourage and help them uphold their commitments to inclusive growth by practicing good governance, providing public goods like health and education, and creating tax systems that improve revenue collection and ensure that everyone pays their fair share. We are supporting civil society and citizens alike in holding governments accountable, supplying job training and networking, and being a strong voice for bringing opportunity to places where it is scarce.

在整个地区,我们正在与各国政府结成伙伴关系,鼓励并帮助它们通过实行良治,提供卫生保健和教育等公益服务以及建立改进税收、确保每个人都公平纳税的税制,来坚持其对包容性经济增长的承诺。我们支持公民社会和公民个人对政府实行问责的要求,提供就业培训和联网,坚决呼吁在缺乏机会的地方创造机会。

And we are working very closely with the private sector. Two years ago, I created a Global Partnership Initiative to support a new generation of public-private partnerships focused on everything from protecting and developing the Lower Mekong region to helping more families gain access to clean cookstoves, to protect them from the harmful smoke that kills two million people worldwide every year, and puts black soot carbon into the atmosphere.

我们正在与民间部门密切合作。两年前,我发起了一项全球伙伴计划,支持新一代的政府与民间的合作,侧重于多个项目,从保护和发展湄公河下游地区到帮助更多的家庭获得清洁炉灶,让他们远离向大气层释放黑色烟尘并每年导致全世界200万人死亡的有害烟雾。

We also launched the Global Entrepreneurship Program, to identify promising entrepreneurs, training them, linking them with mentors and potential investors, advocating for supportive policies and regulations, helping spread best practices. And we are supporting initiatives like Partners for a New Beginning, which supports economic opportunity, education, science and technology exchanges between the United States and Muslim communities worldwide, and we just opened a chapter in Indonesia.

我们还发起了全球创业计划,以选拔大有希望的企业家,对他们进行培训,为他们寻找导师和可能的投资者,倡导扶持性的政策和法规,帮助普及最佳实务。我们正在支持“新开端伙伴”计划,提供经济机会并支持美国与世界各地穆斯林社区之间的教育、科学和技术交流;而且我们还刚刚在印度尼西亚开启了这项计划的一个分支。

We are connecting entrepreneurs with Diaspora communities in the United States that are eager to help fund new projects in countries where they have family ties. And we are looking to the private sector to help us. There are so many ways that we are grateful to the private sector. After all, it drives what we are talking about today. But we do need to try to consider, even within the constraints of modern financial practices and expectations, not just short-term benefits but long-term consequences. The work that each of you do in your businesses can help lift people’s lives, promote human rights and dignity, and create new markets, creating a virtuous cycle. Or it can further ensnare people in poverty and environmental degradations, creating a vicious cycle.

我们正在帮助创业者同美国各地的移民社区取得联系,他们热切希望资助与他们有着家庭纽带的国家的新项目。我们正在寻求民间部门提供帮助。在很多方面我们感激民间部门的帮助。毕竟,正是民间部门推动着我们今天所谈论的议题。但是,即使是在现代金融规范和预期的制约范围内,我们也确实应当努力考虑到长期的结果,而不仅仅是短期的利益。各位在你们的企业里所做的工作能够帮助改善人民的生活,促进人权与尊严,打开新市场,从而创造出一种良性循环。反之则可能使人民进一步陷入贫困和日益恶化的环境中,从而导致一种恶性循环。

So that’s our agenda, and you can see why I’ve come to Hong Kong to talk about it, because here, we have a perfect example of what can be done and how important it is to lead in the economic realm with the kind of principles that Hong Kong has developed on. Now, we know very well that the future is arriving at a breathtaking pace, and the choices we make today will define what is possible economically for so many millions of people.

这便是我们的议程,而你们应当知道我为什么要到香港来谈论这项议程——因为香港是一个最好的例子,能说明依靠香港发展所遵循的原则可取得的成就以及以此在经济领域发挥带头作用的重要意义。我们现在非常清楚,未来正在以惊人的速度展现在我们面前,我们今天所作的选择将决定亿万人民在经济上可能取得的成就。

And so while the specifics are forever changing, many of the ideals that guided us in the 20th century are the same ones we need to embrace in the 21st — a belief that a good idea is a good idea no matter where it comes from or from whom, a willingness to embrace change, a culture driven by marriage, faith in the notion that a rising tide of economic growth and innovation can improve everyone’s quality of life whether they live in Hong Kong or Appalachia. It is up to us to translate those enduring principles into common practice, shared prosperity, the opportunity for as many people as possible on both sides of the Pacific to live up to their God-given potential.

因此,尽管具体情形不同,但是引领我们走过20世纪的许多理念依然是我们在21世纪所需要的——相信好主意就是好主意,无论出自哪里或由谁提出;愿意接受变革;以婚姻为文化的驱动力;坚信高涨的经济增长势头与革新能够提高所有人的生活质量,无论他们生活在香港还是阿巴拉契亚。将这些永恒的原则转化为通行的做法和共同的繁荣,以及让太平洋两岸尽可能多的人民实现天赐潜能的机会,这还要取决于我们的努力。

And what is standing in the way of achieving that vision? Well, there are many issues and challenges we can enumerate, but ultimately, it comes down to leadership — leadership in both the public and the private sector. We were blessed over the last part of the 20th century with farsighted and effective leaders in many parts of the world, leaders who set the rules that created the economic growth that we enjoyed in the 20th century, leaders who changed course in their own nations and catalyzed the extraordinary growth that we have seen in a country like China, leaders who had visions, private sector leaders who were able to look over the horizon and understand the consequences of not just this quarter’s results but the decades. We need that leadership again. We need it everywhere. And we need it both in governments and in business. That’s why the partnership between the public and private sectors is so essential.

实现这一愿景的障碍是什么呢?我们可以罗列很多问题和挑战,但归根结底在于领导作用,在政府和民间部门皆然。全球许多地方在20世纪后半叶有幸出现了具有远见和富有成效的领导人,制定法规创造出我们在20世纪所享有的经济繁荣的领导人,改变了其国家的进程并且催生了我们在中国这样的国家所目睹的高速增长的领导人,具有远见的领导人,以及能够高瞻远瞩、不仅仅看到这一季度的成绩而且还能看到其数十年之后的影响的民间部门的领导人。现在我们再一次需要这样的领导人。世界各地都需要这样的领导人。政府和企业也都需要他们。这就是为什么政府和民间部门的合作是如此重要。

Sitting in the office of the Secretary of State and knowing that I’m here in this position after so many luminaries in my own country have held it, it is a very humbling experience. And I often marvel at what they achieved. And I think a lot about George Marshall and Harry Truman and the Marshall Plan. What an amazing decision — to rebuild former enemies with an eye toward the future. And I think about it in very personal terms, because at the end of World War II, my late father had served in the Navy, so when he left service as so many men of that time did and returned to private life, the last thing he wanted to hear his president or secretary of State say was, “Guess what? We’re going to still be taxing you to send money to Germany, to Europe. We’re going to rebuild Japan because we believe it is in the best interests of your children.”

我现在担任国务卿一职,深知在我之前曾有许多杰出人物担任过这个职务,我实在自叹不如。我常对他们的成就感到由衷敬佩。我常思及乔治?马歇尔、哈里?杜鲁门和马歇尔计划。凭着对未来的展望重建昔日的敌国,是一个多么令人赞叹的决定。我回首这段往事时有着深刻的个人体验,因为在二次大战结束时,我的先父在海军服役之后像当时许多男子一样退伍并重新过起普通人的生活,而他当时最不想听到自己的总统或国务卿这样说:“你知道吗?我们还是要向你们征税,然后把钱送到德国,送到欧洲。我们要重建日本,因为我们相信这对你们的子孙后代最有利。”

But it wasn’t only our public leadership who sounded that note. It was also our business leadership as well who basically said, “Okay, we get it. And we’re willing to do our part as well.” In fact, when support for the program was flagging, the White House and the State Department called the heads of large corporations and universities and asked them to fan out across the United States making the case. So the United States invested $13 billion over four years, which in today’s money would be about 150 billion.

但当时不只是我们的政府领导人发出了这样的呼声。我们的工商界领袖也表示:“我们能够理解。我们也愿意尽一份力量。”事实上,当这项计划得到的支持低落之时,白宫和国务院联络大公司和大学的领导人,请他们到美国各地奔走呼吁。因此美国在四年之间投资了130亿美元,相当于今天的1,500亿美元。

Imagine leaders today in either government or business going to their people and saying something similar. When the Berlin Wall fell, Helmut Kohl said, “We’re going to pay what it takes to reunify Germany and we’re going to rebuild our neighbors because the wall is gone,” and people said, “Oh, what a incredible investment of our money. We won; we should be the ones getting all the benefits.” But no; it was a decision that was supported by both government and business.

想象一下今天政府或工商界领导人也对本国民众说出类似的话。当柏林墙倒下时,赫尔默特?科尔说:“我们为了德国的统一不惜一切代价。我们要重建我们的邻舍,因为围墙已经倒下。”而民众则可能说:“我们要投入多大一笔钱啊。我们是胜利者,我们应该获得所有惠益。”但事实并非如此,那个决定得到了政府和工商业的双重支持。

We face a lot of similar challenges today, and we need visionary leaders in both government and business. But those leaders need to be guided by these principles. Whether we’re talking about politics or economics, openness, transparency, freedom and fairness stand the test of time. And in the 21st century, every citizen who is now potentially connected with everyone else in the world will not sit idly by if those principles do not deliver, and if governments and business do not make good on when we’ll provide long-term opportunity for all.

我们今天面临着很多类似的挑战,我们需要有远见卓识的政府和工商界领导人。但这些领导人必须遵循上述原则。无论我们谈的是政治还是经济,开放、透明、自由和公平都禁得起时间的考验。在21世纪,如果这些原则没有兑现,如果政府和企业没有如期履行为全体人民提供长期机会的承诺,那么当今世界每一位有着潜在的相互联系的公民都不会袖手旁观。

This agenda is good for Asia, it’s good for America, it’s good for business. Most importantly, it’s good for people. And I absolutely believe it will help us create more a peaceful, stable, and prosperous world for the rest of this century. Thank you all very much.

这个议程对亚洲有利,对美国有利,对企业有利。但最重要的,它对人民有利。我坚信,它能帮助我们在本世纪未来的岁月里建设一个更和平、更稳定、更繁荣的世界。非常感谢大家。


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